DINNER AT DAWN, BREAKFAST AT MIDNIGHT

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Had a great dinner with Scott Bradley around dawn yesterday at McMullan’s Irish Pub, a most reliable local open around the clock every day of the year, serving first-rate pub food and a fine selection of beer and ale on tap.

When the smoking laws arrived in Las Vegas, McMullan’s walled off one of its several dining rooms, called it the gaming room — it has a lot of video poker machines — defined it as a separate establishment from the rest of the place, and kept the ashtrays out.  It doesn’t serve food — because smoking is not allowed in establishments that serve food — but it “delivers” food to the gaming room from the kitchen next door.

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I had some shepherd’s pie for dinner.  I ordered the “lunch size”, which is enormous, but was accidentally served the “dinner size”, which could feed a regiment of Irish pipers.  I washed down as much of it as I could with Murphy’s Stout and took the rest home.

I ate some of it for breakfast around midnight tonight — cold.  Sounds gross, right?

Wrong!

BADLANDS

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When Terrence Malick’s first film Badlands came out in 1974, Pauline Kael wrote a withering critique of it, finding it to be so self-consciously arty and metaphorical, so “preconceived”, as she put it, “that there’s nothing left to respond to”.  It’s a fair comment, as far as it goes, but it doesn’t really go far enough.

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Malick was a protegé of Arthur Penn, and Badlands is in some ways a gloss on Penn’s Bonnie and Clyde, a film Kael loved and helped to find an audience.  Jay Cocks summed up the difference between the two films well.  Badlands, he said, “might better be regarded less as a companion piece to Bonnie and Clyde than as an elaboration and reply.  It is not loose and high-spirited.  All its comedy has a frosty irony, and its violence, instead of being brutally balletic, is executed with a dry, remorseless drive.”

In other words, Badlands is a story about serial killers without the fun and visceral energy of a superior Hollywood entertainment, elements Kael valued highly, and rightly, in cinema.  But a film doesn’t automatically descend into what Kael called “draggy art” just because it’s meditative and emotionally cool.

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Kael said she found the “cold detachment” of Badlands offensive, but cold detachment is not the only element of the film.  Indeed, Martin Sheen and Sissy Spacek are such appealing screen presences, and their dialogue is so funny, that the film starts out warm and engaging.  It’s only as the narrative proceeds that Malick asks us to take a step back from them, to see them as stupid and evil — to see the charm of Sheen’s Kit as repellent.

Malick wanted to play with our expectations about films of youthful rebellion, to make us slowly but surely self-conscious, even a bit ashamed, of those expectations.  It’s a somewhat cerebral approach to filmmaking, perhaps, but not necessarily pretentious.  Hitchcock made grand popular entertainments out of the same ambition to undermine our identification with his protagonists, keep the ground of expectation and sympathy shifting beneath our feet.

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I would also argue that the film is not quite the metaphor for modern American society that Kael and others have seen it as.  Kael said, “The movie can be summed up: mass-culture banality is killing our souls and making everybody affectless.”  It can be read that way, I guess, but it seems to me that Malick wasn’t trying to be so dogmatic, so obvious.

Although Sheen has the active and showy part, the film is really about Spacek’s Holly.  She’s the narrator of the film, and there are suggestions that she may not be a reliable narrator.  Towards the end of the film she recounts an event she wasn’t present at, tells us what she thinks might have happened, and Malick shows it happening that way on screen.

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It makes us wonder, in retrospect, how much of the story Holly’s been telling us is really true and how much reflects her adolescent fantasies of how it might have been or should have been.  It’s yet another way of Malick distancing us from the story, but it also invites us to move closer to Holly, to try and get inside her head, and this is really quite far from the “cold detachment” that Kael accuses Malick of.

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And though Holly reads celebrity gossip magazines, she’s also fascinated by antique stereographic pictures she’s brought from her home.  She reads from Kon-Tiki, a popular book, but one that was ten years old at the time the movie is set and not an artifact of teen culture.  Her head is filled with fairy tales and dreams of adventure as much as it is with images derived from romance comic books.

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It’s Kit who sees himself as James Dean and spouts platitudes that seem to be lifted from The Reader’s Digest.  He represents the banality of mass culture, but Holly wants to see him as something finer and more romantic.  You begin to doubt, when you think about it, if Kit and Holly’s dreamlike idyll in the forest ever happened at all — to suspect it might just be something Holly made up out of images from Swiss Family Robinson.

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Kael was right to note that there’s something overly calculated about the film, but wrong to see that calculation as simpleminded.  I think Malick had subtler and deeper ambitions for the film than creating metaphors about modern society.  He had begun, haltingly and vaguely perhaps, his investigation of the imagination’s role, love’s role, the beauty of nature’s role, in reconciling us to life — even a life as bleak and hopeless as Holly’s.

HOW WOMEN AGE

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Our culture doesn’t set much value on the beauty of older women.  As a result of this many women as they age resist the work of time, dye their hair, take knives to their faces, in a ghastly, hopeless effort to keep looking young.

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It’s madness, of course, because older women can be extremely beautiful, and not just beautiful the way an old faded photograph is beautiful, but beautiful the way an old wine can be beautiful — intoxicating, and arousing.

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I once ran into Tanaquil Le Clercq at a party in New York in the 1980s.  She had been a principal dancer at The New York City Ballet in the 1940s and 1950s, wife and muse of its founder George Balanchine.  She was still stunningly beautiful.  My friend Kevin Jarre was with me at the party and he leaned over to me and said, “Look at that woman, Lloyd.  She makes me . . . tense.”

He meant that she aroused him as an erotic being.  She was at the time about 60 and confined to a wheelchair.

Elizabeth Warren

Elizabeth Warren is ancient by modern standards — in other words, my age, 64 — but her volatile intellect and energetic idealism make her erotically alive, a desirable woman, while the exhausted cynicism of Hillary Clinton is reflected in the crumbling of her face, which is starting to look like the crumbled face of Jan Brewer, the mean-hearted governor of Arizona.  These are not women you’d want to take home with you, even at 3am after a long night of drinking.

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I just saw an interview with Sissy Spacek from 2012 and felt that she was far sexier at the age of 62 that she had ever been in her so-called prime.

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Let’s be frank here — I’m not talking about the beauty of older women as an abstract value, I’m talking about fuckability.  Our culture has a sick and perverse notion of what constitutes fuckability in a woman.  Many older women, who grow bitter and cynical and desperate before their time, pass beyond fuckability.  Tant pis.  Others keep their fuckability alive.  Our culture needs to be more alert to their erotic power.

A CALL TO ALL SONS AND DAUGHTERS OF LIBERTY

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Preserve the Constitution, break the crony-capitalist grip on Washington — these are the only goals that matter right now.

You can afford to vote for any politician who takes strong positions in support of these goals, even if you disagree with them vehemently on other issues. You cannot afford to vote for any politician who takes weaselly positions on these goals, even if you agree with them enthusiastically on other issues.

Don’t get distracted — keep your eyes on the prize, which for the moment is nothing less than the survival of the American republic.

A STANLEY KUBRICK PHOTOGRAPH FOR TODAY

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This is from the late 1940s.  For me in New York in the 1980s, wearing a tuxedo, smoking a cigarette and hanging out with an elegantly dressed woman in a bar wasn’t an everyday occurrence, or a weekly occurrence, or even a monthly occurrence, but it wasn’t so rare as to be automatically memorable.  It was just something that happened from time to time, in the normal course of life.

I can’t imagine that any guy born in the 1980s or later could really relate to that.  Our strain grows weaker.

Click on the image to enlarge.

THE END OF CRONY CAPITALISM

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I’m not a fan of Ralph Nader, but he’s just published a new book, Unstoppable, which argues that a powerful new political alliance could emerge between those on the left and those on the right who oppose the crony-capitalist state, another word for plutocracy or oligarchy.

So far the Crony-Capitalist Democratic Party and the Crony-Capitalist Republican Party have implemented an ingenious strategy for preventing such an alliance.  It involves getting the left and right to argue about hot-button issues to divert attention from the plutocratic agenda of both parties.  Corporate America, which owns the government, doesn’t care what label politicians wear as long as they do its bidding.

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The Crony-Capitalist Democratic Party has supplemented this strategy in Presidential politics by trading on the glamor of electing the first African-American President, and will soon substitute for this the glamor of electing the first female President.  Obama and Clinton are both spokesmodels for the plutocracy — something the plutocracy hopes Americans won’t notice.

The big hot-button issues at the moment are gun control, gay rights and abortion.  Americans are deeply divided on these issues, which can arouse passions that drive rational thought, and even practical self-interest, from the mind.  Is there any way around this?  Can anti-oligarchic citizens on both sides of these issues find enough common ground to form an alliance against the oligarchy?  Could they even decide to put these issues on hold for a few years in order to take the country back from the corporations?

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Well, liberals might face the simple fact that a comprehensive reform of gun regulation has no practical hope of being enacted any time soon.  We might be able to close the gun-show loophole — something a large majority of Americans across the political spectrum support.  Could anti-corporate folks on the right brave the wrath of the NRA and join with liberals to support this?  Maybe.

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Abortion rights are under grave assault at the state level in certain places, but there’s very little that can be done about this on the Federal level.  Abortion rights will be preserved in principle as long as Roe v. Wade holds, and it will probably hold for a long time to come.  National leaders are not going to have much effect in this area, one way or the other.  Could those on opposite sides of this issue face up to those facts and agree to disagree on the underlying values involved?  Maybe.

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Gay rights is a movement that is now irreversible, largely due to the rulings of courts.  Gay marriage is becoming legal in one state after another and will inevitably be legal or at least recognized everywhere.  That battle has already been won, or lost, depending on your point of view.  Could conservatives accept that fact in the interest of an alliance with those on the other side of the issue?  Maybe.

And maybe an agreement to sidestep the hot-button issues is the only hope we have of creating a movement to take the government back from the corporations.  It’s worth a try.

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I suggest a summit meeting between Rand Paul and Elizabeth Warren in Belle Fourche, South Dakota — the geographic center of the fifty United States.  Surely they both must realize that they have more in common with each other, in terms of what a Federal official might accomplish, than either of them have with Hillary Clinton or whatever corporate stooge the Crony-Capitalist Republican Party puts forward to try and stop Paul.

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Slaveholders and abolitionists once made common cause to support the Constitution — an excruciatingly painful compromise, but one worth it in the long run.  What men and women have done, men and women can do.